As the nation rearranges
itself following July’s governmental collapse and the four-month reunification,
it has become apparent that the Yurtyzstani demographic has changed considerably.
The Yurtyzstani people have become more individualistic, more creative and
intellectual -- as a result, nationalist spirit and physical development are no
longer sufficient to hold the nation together, as it has been in our past.
There are some in Yurtyzstan, members of the rapidly receding ‘old left’, who
wish to continue to pursue this state-enforced collectivism; as I will
demonstrate, however, this is not the right path for our nation to follow.
Yurteel Day 2011 was a day of great rejoice and excitement. The Yurtyzstan-Longhouse War had finally drawn to a close after more than a month of feeble stick-waving and sprinting through mud. Though initially the conflict had been appealing, for the Yurtyzstani nation had been re-awakened in February and thus was hungering for a chance to prove its strength, Yurtyzstanis had now learned their lesson with regards to micronational warfare. This, combined with my campaign as the uncontested candidate for Supreme Potentate in the Yurteel Day elections, would have created the perfect conditions for a political and cultural renaissance. Given proper recognition of the rights -- and value -- of the individual, the yoke of autocracy could have finally been thrown and national cultural dialogue could have begun in earnest.
Clearly this did not take place -- to my regret, it was not five days before I declared emergency powers and dissolved the pittance of democracy that I had offered, and subsequently Yurtyzstan was plunged into months of neglect, disorganisation, and defection. In short, by turning to more government power for unity, abject disunity was achieved. The Yurtyzstani people, disillusioned by this denial of advancement in a nation which had before seemed to be progressing at a breakneck pace, spilled across the border to the Longhouse region. Having split into two kingdoms, the west backed by Yurtyzstan and the east by the Anti-Yurtyzstan Front, the Longhouse region was hardly in a position of stability -- but the political freedoms enjoyed there, especially in the east, were refreshing and provided an opportunity to release stifled creative energy. By no means am I suggesting that anarchy is a viable option for achieving cultural progression, merely that the people were more responsive and cooperative when in an environment of maximum political freedom.
In August, I returned to my nation, came to my senses, and implemented extensive stimulus (in the form of yurt-building) to revive Yurtyzstan again. The Yurtyzstani people, already starting to feel the grip of Felix Yurtzhinsky tighten on the East Longhouse Kingdom, returned en masse to their homeland. In December, my emergency powers expired, and -- for the first time in our history -- multi-party elections were held.
It was also the first time in our history that the environment in Yurtyzstan was truly intellectually stimulating. Along with the settlements, cafes and other gathering places for politically-minded citizens sprung up. Languages, religions, fine arts, cuisine -- all of the primary elements of the coming cultural development initiative of 2012 -- were widely discussed, and the Yurtyzstani government listened. This only intensified when the results of the election aligned with the general sentiment of the Yurtyzstani people. It was sustained throughout this past year with a high level of government responsivity; the Yurtyzstani Workers’ Party, sensing that it had been given its second chance conditionally, significantly shifted to the centre and even inched towards compromise with the Impoverished Yurtyzstanis’ Front on some occasions.
The Party, however, was only willing to reform to a certain extent. The opposition remained firmly suppressed, its members kept mostly out of Yurtpyitaw and essentially forbidden from mounting a sufficient campaign. The media remained tightly under state control and continued to employ harsh communist rhetoric. Perhaps the most important cause of July’s governmental collapse was the vast, ineffective, and all-consuming bureaucracy; essentially, the entire Yurtyzstani economy was under tight socialist control, counterbalancing any reforms offered. With all of these major flaws in Yurtyzstani political life, it should be no surprise to continued apologists for collectivism that the Yurtyzstani people gave up and went home. Indeed, it was only by a miraculous occurrence of nationalism that Yurtyzstan was revived in the form of five provisional states.
Thus, through a simple examination of Yurtyzstan’s history, it becomes clear that cultural development will move in lockstep with the government’s adoption of liberalism. Some Yurtyzstani factions, such as East Yurtyzstan, have had the benefit of having a small and highly dedicated population -- the nation as a whole, however, does not. It is therefore necessary to ensure that the people are given as much freedom as possible for intellectual pursuits, in order to hold their interest and thus maintain civil cohesion. To return to collectivism to accomplish this would not only be shortsighted and poorly reasoned, but downright ignorant of Yurtyzstan’s history and people; communist social policies are now outdated with regards to Yurtyzstani development, and it is only through movement to the right that we can move forward.
Yurt Kyong-yon
Yurteel Day 2011 was a day of great rejoice and excitement. The Yurtyzstan-Longhouse War had finally drawn to a close after more than a month of feeble stick-waving and sprinting through mud. Though initially the conflict had been appealing, for the Yurtyzstani nation had been re-awakened in February and thus was hungering for a chance to prove its strength, Yurtyzstanis had now learned their lesson with regards to micronational warfare. This, combined with my campaign as the uncontested candidate for Supreme Potentate in the Yurteel Day elections, would have created the perfect conditions for a political and cultural renaissance. Given proper recognition of the rights -- and value -- of the individual, the yoke of autocracy could have finally been thrown and national cultural dialogue could have begun in earnest.
Clearly this did not take place -- to my regret, it was not five days before I declared emergency powers and dissolved the pittance of democracy that I had offered, and subsequently Yurtyzstan was plunged into months of neglect, disorganisation, and defection. In short, by turning to more government power for unity, abject disunity was achieved. The Yurtyzstani people, disillusioned by this denial of advancement in a nation which had before seemed to be progressing at a breakneck pace, spilled across the border to the Longhouse region. Having split into two kingdoms, the west backed by Yurtyzstan and the east by the Anti-Yurtyzstan Front, the Longhouse region was hardly in a position of stability -- but the political freedoms enjoyed there, especially in the east, were refreshing and provided an opportunity to release stifled creative energy. By no means am I suggesting that anarchy is a viable option for achieving cultural progression, merely that the people were more responsive and cooperative when in an environment of maximum political freedom.
In August, I returned to my nation, came to my senses, and implemented extensive stimulus (in the form of yurt-building) to revive Yurtyzstan again. The Yurtyzstani people, already starting to feel the grip of Felix Yurtzhinsky tighten on the East Longhouse Kingdom, returned en masse to their homeland. In December, my emergency powers expired, and -- for the first time in our history -- multi-party elections were held.
It was also the first time in our history that the environment in Yurtyzstan was truly intellectually stimulating. Along with the settlements, cafes and other gathering places for politically-minded citizens sprung up. Languages, religions, fine arts, cuisine -- all of the primary elements of the coming cultural development initiative of 2012 -- were widely discussed, and the Yurtyzstani government listened. This only intensified when the results of the election aligned with the general sentiment of the Yurtyzstani people. It was sustained throughout this past year with a high level of government responsivity; the Yurtyzstani Workers’ Party, sensing that it had been given its second chance conditionally, significantly shifted to the centre and even inched towards compromise with the Impoverished Yurtyzstanis’ Front on some occasions.
The Party, however, was only willing to reform to a certain extent. The opposition remained firmly suppressed, its members kept mostly out of Yurtpyitaw and essentially forbidden from mounting a sufficient campaign. The media remained tightly under state control and continued to employ harsh communist rhetoric. Perhaps the most important cause of July’s governmental collapse was the vast, ineffective, and all-consuming bureaucracy; essentially, the entire Yurtyzstani economy was under tight socialist control, counterbalancing any reforms offered. With all of these major flaws in Yurtyzstani political life, it should be no surprise to continued apologists for collectivism that the Yurtyzstani people gave up and went home. Indeed, it was only by a miraculous occurrence of nationalism that Yurtyzstan was revived in the form of five provisional states.
Thus, through a simple examination of Yurtyzstan’s history, it becomes clear that cultural development will move in lockstep with the government’s adoption of liberalism. Some Yurtyzstani factions, such as East Yurtyzstan, have had the benefit of having a small and highly dedicated population -- the nation as a whole, however, does not. It is therefore necessary to ensure that the people are given as much freedom as possible for intellectual pursuits, in order to hold their interest and thus maintain civil cohesion. To return to collectivism to accomplish this would not only be shortsighted and poorly reasoned, but downright ignorant of Yurtyzstan’s history and people; communist social policies are now outdated with regards to Yurtyzstani development, and it is only through movement to the right that we can move forward.
Yurt Kyong-yon
